Books about Anti fascist from Amazon.com

The only one of Sinclair Lewis's later novels to match the power of Main Street, Babbitt, and Arrowsmith, It Can't Happen Here is a cautionary tale about the fragility of democracy, an alarming, eerily timeless look at how fascism could take hold in America Written during the Great Depression when America was largely oblivious to Hitler's aggression, it juxtaposes sharp political satire with the chillingly realistic rise of a President who becomes a dictator to save the nation from welfare cheats, rampant promiscuity, crime, and a liberal press. Now finally back in print, It Can't Happen Here remains uniquely important, a shockingly prescient novel that's as fresh and contemporary as today's news..
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In the spring and summer of 1952, fifteen Soviet Jews, including five prominent Yiddish writers and poets, were secretly tried and convicted; multiple executions soon followed in the basement of Moscow's Lubyanka prison. The defendants were falsely charged with treason and espionage because of their involvement in the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, and because of their heartfelt response as Jews to Nazi atrocities on occupied Soviet territory. Stalin had created the committee to rally support for the Soviet Union during World War II, but he then disbanded it after the war as his paranoia mounted about Soviet Jews.

For many years, a host of myths surrounded the case against the committee. Now this book, which presents an abridged version of the long-suppressed transcript of the trial, reveals the Kremlin's machinery of destruction. Joshua Rubenstein provides annotations about the players and events surrounding the case. In a long introduction, drawing on newly released documents in Moscow archives and on interviews with relatives of the defendants in Israel, Russia, and the United States, Rubenstein also sets the trial in historical and political context and offers a vivid account of Stalin's anti-Semitic campaign..
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An outstanding scholar and political figure, Gaetano Salvemini had a reputation as one of the most courageous figures of his age. As a member of the Italian Socialist Party he championed social and political reform as a party activist, political commentator, and public officeholder. He fought for universal suffrage (including for women); in World War One he stood for his own version of a Wilsonian peace; and he is counted among the earliest and most effective opponents of Fascism. It was said that the Fascists were anti-Salvemini before he became anti-Fascist, and their efforts to silence him made his name synonymous with early Italian resistance to the new regime. A prominent exile in the United States, he resumed his scholarly work at Harvard through the help of friends and supporters. But never one to separate scholarship from political activity, he also continued to actively organize resistance to Mussolini, assisted others in escaping Italy, and played an important role in galvanizing both elite and public opinion in America against the Fascist regime. This groundbreaking biography is based on previously untapped archival resources..
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Benedetto Croce and Italian Fascism provides a unique analysis of the political life of the major Italian philosopher and literary figure Benedetto Croce (1866-1952). Relying on a range of resources rarely used before in Croce studies - including police documents, archival materials, and the private edition of Croce's diaries, the Taccuini, published in recent years -- Fabio Rizi paints an evocative picture of Croce in the fascist era.

Rizi reconsiders Croce's contribution to the struggle against fascism, and demonstrates that Croce's anti-fascist resistance was not passive, as most critics have argued, but rather active in both the political and cultural arenas. Throughout the book, he shows the interplay between Croce's intellectual activity and the political events of the time. His extensive research reveals Croce's own close contact with the key players of the underground movements, and the fact that the fascist authorities regarded Croce as an enemy of the regime.

Tracing Croce's life from his birth in 1866 to his death in 1952, this elegant biography sustains a consistent scope throughout: to clarify former misunderstandings and to better appreciate Croce's contributions to the cause of freedom. Well-documented and well-written, Benedetto Croce and Italian Fascism offers a critical and engaging contribution to Croce studies.

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This is a collection of essays from a secular humanist perspective. Although I don't claim to be a better writer or thinker than the great freethinkers and humanists past and present, I hope I present old arguments in entertaining or thoughtful ways, and offer some interesting historical information. I particularly try to drive a wooden stake deep into the evil, rotten heart of dogmatisms generally and Christianity in particular, to do my part in sparing humanity the horrors dogmatisms have inflicted on this world..
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This book is the first English-language edition of a collection of writings by one of Italy's most important radical liberals, Piero Gobetti (1901-1926). In thirty-five thought-provoking essays, Gobetti proposes an original and challenging notion of liberalism as a revolutionary theory of both the individual and social and political movements, His theory is of particular relevance in the wake of the collapse of Marxist socialism, as non-Western countries with nonliberal or antiliberal cultural and moral traditions confront the problems of transition toward democracy and liberalism. Gobetti's ideas continue to influence in important ways today's heated debates over the nature of liberalism. Gobetti was the first Italian scholar to identify "two Italys": one enlightened and modern though small and weak, the other premodern, traditional, and dominant. A witness to the seizure of power by the Fascists, Gobetti became convinced that Italy's hostility to liberalism could be overcome only with a cultural revolution. Endorsing a radical liberalism, he nevertheless believed that the Communists, led by Antonio Gramsci, could play, a crucial role in democratizing Italy by helping to develop a secular culture. For a liberal state to subsist and grow, Gobetti argued, there must first be a transformation of both the economic structure and the legal and moral culture of the society..
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