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Verbal short-term memory reflects the sublexical organization of the phonological language network: Evidence from an incidental phonotactic learning paradigm ... from: Journal of Memory and Language]
This digital document is a journal article from Journal of Memory and Language, published by Elsevier in 2004. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser. Description: The nonword phonotactic frequency effect in verbal short-term memory (STM) is characterized by superior recall for nonwords containing familiar as opposed to less familiar phoneme associations. This effect is supposed to reflect the intervention of phonological long-term memory (LTM) in STM. However the lexical or sublexical nature of this LTM support is still debated. We explored this question by using an incidental phonological learning paradigm. We exposed adults and 8-year-olds to an artificial phonotactic grammar that manipulated exclusively sublexical phonological rules. After incidental learning, we administered a nonword repetition STM task, with nonwords being either legal or illegal relative to the artificial phonotactic grammar. STM performance was significantly higher for legal than illegal nonwords, in both children and adults. These results demonstrate that verbal STM is indeed influenced by sublexical phonological knowledge. Moreover, verbal STM appears to reflect very subtle and automatic changes in the organization of the phonological network. .
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Phonological features and phonotactic constraints in speech production [An article from: Journal of Memory and Language]
This digital document is a journal article from Journal of Memory and Language, published by Elsevier in 2004. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser. Description: Languages are subject to phonotactic constraints-restrictions on sound sequences. An implicit learning paradigm examined whether participants could acquire constraints at two levels of representation through exposure to a set of syllables. Participants were exposed to categorical segment-level constraints (e.g., /f/ only in onset, /s/ only in coda) as well as gradient featural-level constraints (e.g., labiodental fricatives /v/ and /f/ occurred in onset position 75% of the time, coda 25%). Speech errors revealed that participants encoded constraints at both levels of representation. By biasing errors towards a single syllable position, segmental constraints strengthened the tendency of errors to preserve target syllable position (e.g., virtually no /s/ errors occurred in onset). In contrast, since the featural constraint allowed errors to occur in both syllable positions, encoding it weakened the tendency to preserve target syllable position (e.g., /f/ errors, influenced by featural as well as segmental constraints, surfaced in coda more often than /s/ errors surfaced in onset). Finally, participants in a second study failed to learn featural constraints for dorsal stop consonants. The implications of these results for the representation and processing of features are discussed. .
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Young children's sensitivity to probabilistic phonotactics in the developing lexicon [An article from: Journal of Experimental Child Psychology]
This digital document is a journal article from Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, published by Elsevier in 2004. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Media Library immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser. Description: A series of three experiments examined children's sensitivity to probabilistic phonotactic structure as reflected in the relative frequencies with which speech sounds occur and co-occur in American English. Children, ages 212 and 312 years, participated in a nonword repetition task that examined their sensitivity to the frequency of individual phonetic segments and to the frequency of combinations of segments. After partialling out ease of articulation and lexical variables, both groups of children repeated higher phonotactic frequency nonwords more accurately than they did low phonotactic frequency nonwords, suggesting sensitivity to phoneme frequency. In addition, sensitivity to individual phonetic segments increased with age. Finally, older children, but not younger children, were sensitive to the frequency of larger (diphone) units. These results suggest not only that young children are sensitive to fine-grained acoustic-phonetic information in the developing lexicon but also that sensitivity to all aspects of the sound structure increases over development. Implications for the acoustic nature of both developing and mature lexical representations are discussed. .
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